By Pishtaz | 2023-10-24

The Iranian regime's response to the murders of prominent movie director Dariush Mehrjui and his wife Vahideh Mohammadifar on October 14 has done little to quell the public's suspicion that the deaths were politically motivated.

Though links to past crimes are denied by the regime, many say the murders were strikingly similar to one of the "chain murder" slayings from 25 years ago: the stabbing of political activists Dariush and Parvaneh Forouhar in November 1998.

Mehrjui, 83, was one of the pioneers of Iranian cinema's New Wave movement with his 1969 movie "The Cow." His wife Mohammadifar, 55, was a screenwriter and costume designer.

Although not overtly at odds with the government, Mehjrui had repeatedly criticized the prevalent censorship and tight control that the government imposed on Iran's movie industry.

Movies may not be screened without the approval of Iran's Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, which has had a tight grip on screenwriters and directors' activities over the past four decades.

Depending on the administration, the severity of the rules has fluctuated, but the major principles the regime intends to force on the public must be reflected in movies. Any deviation meant that the movie would not receive a "screening permit."

Since ultraconservative President Ebrahim Raisi has taken office, the most hardline regulations over the past decade have been seriously enforced, further restricting artistic work, including in the film sector.

'Tricked' by the regime

Following Mehrjui's murder, his peers and like-minded actors in Iranian cinema, as well as Persian-language expatriate media, have extensively covered his strong opposition to censorship.

In a video published by expatriate media after his death, Mehrjui used a metaphor to indirectly say he was being "tricked" by the regime, adding that he refuses to be tricked any longer.

A large number of artists, civil society activists and rights activists in Iran have been calling on authorities to bring Mehrjui and Mohammadifar's "murderer or murderers to justice."

Sensing the public's rising suspicions about the case, Iran's Law Enforcement Forces (LEF), whose commanders and senior officials are previous commanders or members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), quickly sprung into action.

The high-profile murders have been given high priority, the government said, adding that Iranian judiciary chief Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei had ordered an investigation "using all available means."

Within 72 hours of the murders, the LEF announced the arrest of 10 suspects. In the following days, the media quoted a judiciary official as saying that 20 suspects had been arrested.

On October 19, only five days after the murders, the LEF announced that their detectives had "discovered the main murderer among the detained suspects."

The judiciary described the motive for the murder as "personal," with no further elaboration.

These statements, along with the LEF's refusal to disclose the names of the suspects, have caused more suspicion and unease among the public.

Legal scholars and journalists have voiced their suspicion about the verdict, mostly online. They have questioned how a verdict, complete with a motive, could have been reached without a trial or court session.

As the Mehrjuis' villa, where they were murdered, is located in Alborz province -- close to Tehran -- the provincial judiciary has taken over the case, stating that four suspects "were present at the murder scene" and a few of the detained suspects have "made some confessions."

No confession has been published or broadcast as of yet. But the Islamic Republic has a long history of forced confessions, particularly televised ones, almost all of which have been done in political cases.

'Under close watch'

The developments following the murders have prompted many observers to conclude that the case may be politically motivated.

Some have a more conservative approach, saying that although the murders may not have been political or carried out directly by the regime, they are, at the very least, rather suspicious, particularly given how fast the regime has reacted.

Observers also note the regime's failure to monitor the speeches made at the funeral or enforce the state-mandated hair scarf, although most women appeared without.

"There is no official gag order issued by the government, as far as I know," said Cyrus, an Iran-based journalist who covers crime at a well-known daily. "It's unlikely that we wouldn't know about it if an order were issued."

However, he said, some journalists are practicing self-censorship.

"My employer, as well as many other publications and websites... are treading very carefully as they fear getting in trouble by publishing any speculation or commentary about the Mehrjuis' murder case," he told Pishtaz.

"We seem to be under close watch."